Tyre Nichols, a 29-year-old black man, was severely beaten by five Memphis police officers during a traffic stop in January. The shocking footage of the assault highlights what researchers describe as deep-seated racial prejudices that fuel police brutality. Black drivers are more likely to be stopped by police than white drivers. Nichols died after being beaten, and the officer was charged with murder.
Nicholas Camp is a social psychologist at the University of Michigan who studies racial prejudice and how it affects police-community interactions. He and his colleagues used police body camera footage and area surveys to analyze the behavior.They also tested real-world interventions with police in big cities, small policy changes that would reduce hostility during traffic stops and reduce racial inequality about who stops. Scientific American about these possible solutions.
[An edited transcript of the interview follows.]
What is the evidence that police officers are tougher on black drivers?
Body camera recordings are often thought to highlight specific instances of police violence or provide evidence of incidents against police officers. But they can also tell us a lot about interactions that don’t make the news. For example, an analysis of body camera footage of nearly 1,000 traffic stops in Oakland, California, found that police officers used less respectful language for black drivers than for white drivers.
In your research, the term meant using a proper name rather than saying something like “my man” or using a command rather than a request. Were there sides?
In addition, differences were observed not only in the words of the police officers, but also in the way they spoke.This communication can shape how much people trust [or distrust] police.
Are there good reasons why police are treating black drivers more aggressively, or is there an implicit bias?
We found that this racial disparity persisted even after controlling for other aspects of these interactions, such as where and why the stop occurred, or other characteristics of the driver. I can’t say for certain what was going on, but extensive research into implicit prejudice shows that there are common social stereotypes about race, status, and crime. We know that they shape all our decisions. There is certainly no reason that police officers should not be immune to these prejudices.
If implicit prejudice and racism against blacks underpins much of the police brutality, how do you explain the fact that the officers involved in Tyre Nichols’ beating were black?
Let me tell you two things I know from research. One is that it matters who runs the police in America. We know that a diversified police force can have a beneficial effect on reducing the use of force. On the other hand, research shows that we can be influenced by stereotypes even if they are about our group and even if we disagree. Police culture is very strong and very closed. So if you wear your badge to work, chances are you’re looking at the world through the lens of your identity as a police officer, rather than as a black person.
Why would traffic stop such an important place to intervene in prejudice?
Traffic stops are the most common way Americans come into contact with the criminal justice system. More than 20 million people stop every year. Most of the stops are routine, but the sheer number of them means you really need to think about what they’re accomplishing and what happens during these interactions. Road closures should be considered as they are often used for research purposes rather than to ensure road safety. Another thing that stands out to me about the Tyre Nichols case is that he was stopped by the Violent Crime Prevention Unit, the Scorpion Unit. Our research shows that the widespread use of traffic stops for low-level crime for investigative purposes fosters mistrust and can undermine the practice as a whole.
What traffic stop changes could reduce the problem or threat?
All in all, it’s a pretty overwhelming problem to solve. But once we know how different processes affect police injustice, we can identify how to address them individually. This includes asking questions such as: What is the department’s policy on how to prioritize and enforce road closures? How are officers trained and who are recruited? You can think about your decision. How can I safely allow time between the officer’s judgment and action?
For example, adding a checkbox to officers’ paperwork to make them think more seriously about whether a traffic stop is necessary, like my mentor Jennifer Everhart did with the Oakland Police Department, works well. . [The change reduced stops involving Black drivers by 43 percent.] In a study by psychologist Philip Gough and others, police officers were encouraged to stop and count to 10 before following and engaging a suspect. [On Goff’s advice, Las Vegas barred police who had chased someone on foot from handling that person afterward, which cut the use of force by 23 percent.] This kind of conflict can be a useful tool in reducing the impact of implicit bias on decision making.
Do you think it is possible to eliminate implicit bias and make policing more equitable?
To end inequality in the police, we need to end inequality in America. This is a very difficult and ambitious goal. We need to consider how we structure institutions and interactions in ways that limit the impact of bias. Some may suggest that more training should be done to change the behavior of police officers. Beyond that approach, I think we need to focus on how they interact with executives, not their attitudes, by changing policies that can change behavior.
